Rose of the World by Daniel Andreev.pdf

THE ROSE OF THE WORLD

©Daniel Andreev Charity Foundation, 1997.

All rights on the text of this book belong to the Copyright Holder.

This text is presented for educational purposes only and should be considered in the context of visiting

library.

1. The Rose of the World and Its Place in

History

4. The Structure of Shadanakar: The

Infraphysical planes

1.1 The Rose of the World

and its Foremost Tasks

1.2 Perspective on Culture

1.3 Perspective on Religion

4.1 The Demonic Base

4.2 The Worlds of

Retribution

4.3 Shrastrs and Witzraors

2. On the Metahistorical and Transphysical

Methods of Knowledge

5. The Structure of Shadanakar: Elementals

2.1 Some Features of the

Metahistorical Method

2.2 A Brief Description of

the Transphysical Method

2.3 Points of Departure

5.1 Demonic Elementals

5.2 Elementals of Light

5.3 Perspective on the

Animal World

3. The Structure of Shadanakar: Worlds of

Ascent

6. The Highest Worlds of Shadanakar

6.1 Up to the World

Salvaterra

6.2 The Logos of

Shadanakar

6.3 Femininity

3.1 The Sakwala of

Enlightment

3.2 The Zatomis

3.3 The middle planes of

Shadanakar

Glossary

1. The Rose of the World and Its Place in History

1.1 The Rose of the World and its Foremost Tasks

THIS BOOK WAS BEGUN at a time when the threat of an unparalleled disaster hung

over the heads of humanity—when a generation only just recuperating from the trauma of

the Second World War discovered to its horror that a strange darkness, the portent of a

war even more catastrophic and devastating than the last, was already gathering and

thickening on the horizon. I began this book in the darkest years of a dictatorship that

tyrannized two hundred million people. I began writing it in a prison designated as a

"political isolation ward." I wrote it in secret. I hid the manuscript, and the forces of

good—humans and otherwise—concealed it for me during searches. Yet every day I

expected the manuscript to be confiscated and destroyed, just as my previous work—

work to which I had given ten years of my life and for which I had been consigned to the

political isolation ward—had been destroyed.

I am finishing The Rose of the World a few years later. The threat of a third world war no

longer looms like dark clouds on the horizon, but, having fanned out over our heads and

blocked the sun, it has quickly dispersed in all directions back beyond the horizon.

Perhaps the worst will never come to pass. Every heart nurses such a hope, and without it

life would be unbearable. Some try to bolster it with logical arguments and active protest.

Some succeed in convincing themselves that the danger is exaggerated. Others try not to

think about it at all and, having decided once and for all that what happens, happens,

immerse themselves in the daily affairs of their own little worlds. There are also people in

whose hearts hope smoulders like a dying fire, and who go on living, moving, and

working merely out of inertia.

I am completing The Rose of the World out of prison, in a park turned golden with

autumn. The one under whose yoke the country was driven to near exhaustion has long

been reaping in other worlds what he sowed in this one. Yet I am still hiding the last

pages of the manuscript as I hid the first ones. I dare not acquaint a single living soul with

its contents, for, just as before, I cannot be certain that this book will not be destroyed,

that the spiritual knowledge it contains will be transmitted to someone, anyone.

But perhaps the worst will never come to pass, and tyranny on such a scale will never

recur. Perhaps humanity will forevermore retain the memory of Russia's terrible

historical experience. Every heart nurses that hope, and without it life would be

unbearable.

But I number among those who have been fatally wounded by two great calamities:

world war and dictatorship. Such people do not believe that the roots of war and tyranny

within humanity have been eradicated or that they will be in the near future. Perhaps the

danger of one tyranny or war will recede, but after a time the threat of the next tyranny or

war will arise. For me and others like me, both those calamities were a kind of

apocalypse— revelations of the power of planetary Evil and of its age-old struggle with

the forces of Light. Those living in different times would probably not understand us. Our

anxiety would seem to them an overreaction; our view of the world would seem

poisoned. But a conception of the logical consistency of historical events branded in the

human mind by a half century of observing and participating in events and processes of

unprecedented magnitude cannot be called an overreaction. And a conclusion that forms

in the human heart through the efforts of the brightest and deepest sides of its nature

cannot be poisoned.

I am seriously ill—my days are numbered. If this manuscript is destroyed or lost, I will

not be able to rewrite it in time. But if, sometime in the future, it reaches only a few

persons whose spiritual thirst drives them to surmount all its difficulties and read it

through to the end, then the ideas planted within cannot help but become seeds that will

sprout in their hearts. Whether that occurs before a third world war or after it, and even if

no third war is unleashed in the near future, this book will not die if but one pair of

friendly eyes passes, chapter by chapter, over its pages. For the questions it attempts to

answer will continue to trouble people far into the future.

Those questions are not confined to the realms of war and politics. But nothing can shake

my conviction that the most formidable dangers that threaten humanity, both now and for

centuries to come, are a great suicidal war and an absolute global dictatorship. Perhaps, in

our century, humanity will avert a third world war or, at the very least, survive it, as it

survived the First and Second World Wars. Perhaps it will outlive, somehow or other, a

dictatorship even more enveloping and merciless than the one we in Russia outlived. It

may even be that in two or three hundred years new dangers for the people of Earth will

appear, dangers different but no less dire than a dictatorship or a great war. It is possible,

even probable. But no effort of the mind, no imagination or intuition, is capable of

conjecturing a future danger that would not be connected, somehow or other, with one of

these two principal dangers: the physical destruction of humanity through a war, and the

spiritual death of humanity through an absolute global dictatorship.

This book is directed, first and foremost, against the two basic, supreme evils of war and

dictatorship. It is directed against them not as a simple warning, nor as a satire that

unmasks their true nature, nor as a sermon. The most biting satire and the most fiery

sermon are useless if they only rail against evil and prove that good is good and bad is

bad. They are useless if they are not based on a worldview, global teaching, and program

of action that, spread from mind to mind and will to will, would be capable of averting

these evils.

The purpose of my life has been to share my experience with others—to shed light on the

future panorama of history and metahistory, on the branching chain of alternatives we

face or are bound to face, and on the landscape of variomaterial worlds that are closely

linked with ours through good and evil. I have tried, and still try, to fulfill that task

through fiction and poetry, but the limitations of those genres have prevented me from

disclosing these ideas precisely and intelligibly in their entirety. The purpose of this book

is to set out that worldview in an exhaustive manner, helping the reader to see how,

though dealing with the preternatural, it at the same time holds the key to understanding

current events and the fate of each of us. This is a book that, if God saves it from

destruction, will be laid, as one of many bricks, in the foundation of the Rose of the

World, at the base of a Community of all humanity.

There exists an entity that for many centuries has proclaimed itself the lone, steadfast

unifier of all people, shielding them from the danger of all-out warfare and social chaos.

That entity is the state. Since the end of the tribal period, the state has been of vital

necessity at every historical stage. Even hierocracies, which attempted to replace it with

religious rule, simply became variations of the selfsame state. The state bonded society

together on the principle of coercion, and the level of moral development necessary to

bond society together on some other principle was beyond reach. Of course, it has been

beyond reach even until now, and the state has remained the only proven means against

social chaos. But the existence of a higher order of moral principles is now becoming

evident, principles capable not only of maintaining but also of increasing social harmony.

More important, methods for accelerating the internalization of such principles are now

taking shape.

In the political history of modern times, one can distinguish two international movements

diametrically opposed to one another. One of them aims for the hypertrophy of state

power and an increase in the individual's dependence on the state. To be more exact, this

movement seeks to bestow ever greater power on the person or organization in whose

hands the state apparatus lies: the Party, the Army, the Leader. Fascist and national

socialist states are the most obvious examples of such movements.

The other movement, which appeared at least as far back as the eighteenth century, is the

humanist. Its origins and major stages are English parliamentarianism, the French

Declaration of the Rights of Man, German social democracy, and in our days, the

struggle for liberation from colonialism. The long-range goal of the movement is to

weaken the bonding principle of coercion in the life of the people and transform what is

largely a police state defending race or class interests into a system based on overall

economic equilibrium and a guarantee of individual rights.

History has also witnessed examples of novel political arrangements that might appear to

be hybrids of the two movements. Remaining in essence phenomena of the first type,

they alter their appearance to the extent expedient for the achievement of their set goal.

This is a tactic, a deception, but nothing more.

Nevertheless, despite the polarity of these movements, they are linked by one trait

characteristic of the twentieth century: global ambitions. The ostensible motivation of the

various twentieth century movements can be found in their political blueprints, but the

underlying motivation in modern history is the instinctive pursuit of global dominion.

The most vigorous movement of the first half of this century was distinguished by its

internationalist doctrines and global appeal. The Achilles heel of the movements vying

with it—racism, national socialism—was their narrow nationalism, or to be more exact,

the strictly racial or nationalist fences around their promised lands, the chimera of which

they used to seduce and dazzle their followers. But they too strove for world dominion,

and invested colossal energy toward that end. Now American cosmopolitanism is

occupied with avoiding the mistakes of its predecessors.

What does that sign of the times point to? Does it not point to the fact that global unity

has grown from an abstract concept into a universal need? Does it not point to the fact

that the world has become smaller and more integrated than ever before? Finally, does it

not point to the fact that the solution to all the problems of vital interest to humanity can

be lasting and profound enough only if undertaken on a global scale?

Taking advantage of that fact, despotic regimes systematically actualize the principle of

extreme coercion or partly camouflage it with a cunning blend of methods. The tempo of

life is accelerating. Monolithic states are emerging that earlier would have taken centuries

to erect. Each is predatory by nature, each strives to subjugate humanity to its sole rule.

The military and technological power of these states boggles the mind. They have already

more than once plunged the world into war and tyranny. Where is the guarantee that they

will not do so again in the future? In the end, the strongest will conquer the globe, even at

the cost of turning a third of the world's surface into a moonscape. The cycle of wars will

then come to an end, but only to be replaced by the greatest of evils: a single dictatorship

over the surviving twothirds of the world. At first it will perhaps be an oligarchy. But, as

often happens, eventually a single Leader will emerge. The threat of a global

dictatorship—this is the deadliest of all threats hanging over humanity.

Consciously or unconsciously sensing the danger, the movements belonging to the

humanist mold are trying to consolidate their efforts. They prattle about cultural

cooperation, wave placards about pacifism and democratic freedoms, seek illusory

security in neutrality, or, frightened by their adversary's aggression, they themselves

embark on the same path. Not one of them has put forward the indisputable proposal that

is capable of winning people's trust: the idea that some kind of moral supervision over the

activities of the state is a vital necessity. Certain groups, traumatized by the horrors of the

world wars, are trying to unite so that in the future their political federation will

encompass the entire globe. But what would that lead to? The danger of wars, it is true,

would be defused, at least temporarily. But who can guarantee that such a superstate,

supported by large, morally backward segments of the populace (and such segments are

far more numerous than one would wish) and rousing in humanity dormant impulses for

power and violence, will not in the end develop into a dictatorship compared to which all

previous tyrannies will seem like child's play?

It is worth noting that the same religious faiths that proclaimed the internationalist ideals

of brotherhood earliest are now in the rearguard of humanity's push toward global unity.

It is possible to attribute this to their characteristic emphasis on the inner self and their

neglect of everything external, including sociopolitical issues. But if one delves deeper, if

one says out loud for all to hear what is usually discussed only in certain small circles of

people who lead a deeply spiritual life, then something not everyone takes into

consideration is uncovered. That something is a mystical fear, originating during the age

of the Roman Empire, of the future unification of the world. It is the indefatigable

concern for the welfare of humanity felt by those who sense that in a single universal

state lies a pitfall that will inevitably lead to an absolute dictatorship and the rule of the

"prince of darkness," the result of which will be the final paroxysms and catastrophic end

of history.

In actual fact, who can guarantee that a strong-willed egoist will not assume leadership of

the superstate and, further, that science will not serve such a leader truthfully and

faithfully as a means for turning the superstate into that exact kind of monstrous

mechanism of violence and spiritual disfigurement I have been talking about? There is

little doubt that theoretical models for blanket surveillance of people's behavior and

thoughts are being developed at this very moment. What are the limits of the nightmarish

scenarios that are conjured in our imagination as a result of the merger of a dictatorship

of terror and twenty-first century technology? Such a tyranny would be all the more

absolute because even the last, tragic means of casting it off would be closed—its

overthrow from without by war. With every nation under one rule, there would be no one

to war against. Global unity—the dream of so many generations, the cause of so many

sacrifices—would then reveal its demonic side: the impossibility of escape if the servants

of the dark forces were to seize control of the world government.

Bitter experience has already led humanity to the conviction that neither those

socioeconomic movements guided solely by reason nor scientific progress in itself are

capable of guiding humanity between the Charybdis of dictatorship and the Scylla of

world war. On the contrary, new socioeconomic systems, in coming to power, themselves

adopt the practices of political despotism and become the sowers and instigators of world

war. Science becomes their lackey, far more obedient and reliable than the church was for

the feudal barons. The root of the tragedy lies in the fact that the scientific professions

were not from the very beginning coupled with a deeply formulated moral education.

Regardless of their level of moral development, everyone is admitted into those

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