39987280 UNPDF
HISTORY OF THE HUMAN SCIENCES
Vol. 16 No. 1
© 2003 SAGE Publications (London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi)
pp. 11–25
[0952-6951(200302)16:1;11–25; 031684]
Utopia with no topos
ZYGMUNT BAUMAN
A BSTRACT
To measure the life ‘as it is’ by a life ‘as it might or should be’ is a defining,
constitutive feature of humanity. The urge to transcend is nearest to a
universal, and arguably the least destructible, attribute of human exist-
ence. This cannot be said, however, of its articulations into ‘projects’ –
that is, of cohesive and comprehensive programmes of change and of
visions of life that the change is hoped to bring about – visions that stand
out of reality, adumbrating a fully and truly different, alternative world.
For the constantly present transgressive urge to be articulated into such
projects, some less common conditions must arise. Utopia is one of the
forms such uncommon articulations may take. This article explores the
conditions that defined that form – those of modernity in its initial ‘solid’
stage, a form that was marked and set apart from other articulations of
the transgression urge by two remarkable attributes: territoriality and
finality. It is concluded that in the transgressive imagination of ‘liquid
modernity’ the ‘place’ (whether physical or social) has been replaced by
the unending sequence of new beginnings, inconsequentiality of deeds
has been substituted for fixity of order, and the desire for a different
today has elbowed out concern with a better tomorrow.
Key words finality, liquid modernity, territoriality, topos,
utopia
To measure the life ‘as it is’ by a life as it should be (that is, a life imagined to
be different from the life known, and particularly a life that is better than and
would be preferable to the life known) – is a defining, constitutive feature of
humanity. Human being-in-the-world means being-ahead-of-the-world. The
39987280.002.png
12
HISTORY OF THE HUMAN SCIENCES
16(1)
‘human’ in ‘human being’ is what ‘sticks out’, runs ahead from the rest of
being – while ‘the world’ is that rest which has been left behind. ‘The world’
stands for limits – the limits that exist, though, in (and through) the process
of being broken and transcended.
The urge to transcend is a nearest to universal, and arguably the least
destructible attribute of human existence. This cannot be said, however, of its
articulations into ‘projects’ – that is, of cohesive and comprehensive pro-
grammes of change and of visions of life that the change is hoped to bring
about – visions that stand out of reality, adumbrating a fully and truly
different , alternative world. For the constantly present transgressive urge to
be articulated into such projects, some less common conditions must arise.
Utopia is one of the forms such uncommon articulations may take. The
conditions that defined that form were those of modernity in its initial ‘solid’
stage. That particular form was marked and set apart from other articulations
of the transgression urge by two remarkable attributes: territoriality and
finality .
THE SEDENTARY IMAGINATION
The first attribute is captured in the name itself, coined by Thomas More but
subsequently adopted as a family name for a long series of articulations that
punctuated the historical itinerary of the modern era. ‘Utopia’ refers to topos
– a ‘place’. However imagined, visions of a different and better life portrayed
in the description of utopias were always territorially defined: associated with
and confined to a clearly defined territory.
No wonder; the world of ‘solid modernity’ was sedentary – a blatantly
and self-consciously territorial world. All identities, as well as differences,
contradictions and antagonisms, were glebae adscripti . They all brandished,
whether as a badge of honour or a brand of shame, fixed and registered
addresses, themselves inventions of the emergent modern idea of (also terri-
torial) administration. In that idea, ‘running things’ meant arresting and
holding things in their ‘natural’ places, or uprooting and transporting them
to more suitable places ‘where they belonged’. Power and sovereignty were
measured and evaluated with the help of spatial metaphors such as ‘scope’
and ‘volume’, and defined by their physical/geographical boundaries.
In that sedentary and ‘solid’ phase of modernity there was an intimate cor-
respondence between space and power. Power was a spatial notion, inscribed
into the realm of sovereignty. And vice versa: the space was divided, and its
divisions were circumscribed, according to the powers that ruled over it.
‘States’ that replaced the dynastic realms with the advent of modernity as the
seats of supreme authority were territorial entities. It was over its territory
that the state superiorem non recognoscens .
39987280.003.png
UTOPIA WITH NO TOPOS 13
State power was measured by the size of its territory and supposed to grow
(or diminish) in parallel with territorial acquisitions (or losses). As Roberto
Toscano aptly puts it 1 – ‘territory means resources, population, and strategic
control. Territory constitutes the very body of the state, so that every loss is
perceived as a mutilation, every gain as vital growth (or, more often, recovery
of previously detached limbs).’ Given the way the integrity of state-owned
territory is seen and felt – ‘the insignificant paring of a fingernail’ tends to be
represented as ‘the painful mutilation of an arm’.
The extent of territory was coeval with the extent of sovereignty. ‘Sover-
eignty’ (according to Carl Schmitt’s synthesis of modern practice, as recently
re-examined by Giorgio Agamben 2 ) was all about the power to include or
exempt. The sovereign is he who decides on the state of exception . But let us
note that it is precisely the territoriality of power that makes of the capacity
of exemption such an awesome weapon of the sovereign authority – indeed
the constitutive factor of its ‘materiality’. The sovereign is a sovereign in as
far as he or she controls the admission to the House of Law. Whoever happens
to be bodily present inside the territorial boundaries of the sovereign state,
falls under that control. Inside a territory in which every subject is allocated
its rightful place, an entity exempted from allocation and so denied a place of
its own is stripped of rights – carries no rights that other subjects have the
obligation (state-imposed and state-policed) to respect. Among the subjects
all dressed in uniforms sewn of legal categories, it is la vita nuda , a ‘bare’,
purely corporeal life denied all legally woven significance. A ‘sovereign terri-
tory’ is the artefact of its own map: an impression left on the physical space
filled with human bodies by the tightly woven canvas of legal categories.
As long as it is armed with the ultimate sanction of exemption, sovereign
power makes its law into a cage, the exit from the cage into a fate feared,
shunned and far too horrifying to be contemplated as an acceptable price of
freedom, and the entry to the cage into a privilege that needs to be earned
and, once earned, cherished. The captives have every reason to view the cage
as (uncomfortable maybe, yet secure) shelter. This is a cage to which most
would-be internees clamour to be admitted and of which those refused entry
dream as the ultimate redemption. ‘The Rights of Man’, as Hannah Arendt
observed, ‘supposedly inalienable, proved to be unenforceable . . . whenever
people appeared who were no longer citizens of any sovereign state.’ 3 A
social, all-too-social, puissance , potenza or Macht 4 was obviously needed to
endorse the humanity of humans. And throughout the modern era, such
‘potency’ happened to be, invariably, the potency: to draw a boundary
between human and inhuman, in modern times disguised as the boundary
between citizens and foreigners.
It was inside the cage of law that the sovereign’s subjects’ life was to flow;
the whole of it, from the cradle to the grave. Having left no alternative, except
a life imposed for the stateless asylum-seekers but fit solely (as Aristotle
39987280.004.png
14
HISTORY OF THE HUMAN SCIENCES
16(1)
warned) for beasts or angels, to the subjects who were neither, the sovereign
could count on the subjects’ obedience. The few daring enough to fancy them-
selves godlike could be easily certified out into invisibility or censored off into
inaudibility, while most that-be and would-be subjects would resent the plight
of beasts and prefer the security of a cage to the hazards of wilderness.
Sovereignty being territorial, the wilderness most resented and feared by
those many born in or the few let in was that exception-generated one inside
the cage: wilderness as an individual or a categorial lot, conjured up by the
law’s power to forbear its rule, and particularly the responsibility that comes
with the rule. The stateless inside the state, the sans-papiers among passport
holders, were to be the modern incarnations of homo sacer – the forcefully
de-socialized and de-ethicized, adiaphorized ‘bared body’, exempt from
human and divine law, a body that can be destroyed with impunity and whose
destruction would have neither human nor divine significance.
The presence of the sovereign despot was taken for granted by all con-
cerned with the building and preservation of order; the question how to
enlighten (read: tame and domesticate) the despot naturally followed. At the
heart of the idea of the ‘enlightened despot’ was a state of affairs in which the
sovereign will hardly ever – only in truly exceptional circumstances – resort
to his or her power of exception. The sovereign could not forbear the potency
of exclusion without forfeiting his or her sovereignty. But its awesome
powers could be held in check in a roundabout way: through the subjects’
steering clear of such transgression as carried the penalty of exclusion.
Whatever conditions of enlightened power could be conceived of, all and any
of them were to bind the sovereign and the subjects alike. All visions of well-
tempered human cohabitation assumed the permanent mutual engagement
between the rulers and the ruled and the capacity of each side to circumscribe
and cut down the range of options the other side might be tempted to choose
from.
Like the rest of the thought of the time, utopian thought took the terri-
toriality of all order, also of the ‘good order’ it struggled to model and engrave
onto social reality, for granted. For all practical intents and purposes, good life
meant a life lived in good society, while ‘good society’ translated in turn as
the population inhabiting a territory plotted and mapped, and then projected
upon the physical space, by the wise and benevolent powers of a good state.
Utopian imagination was essentially architectural and urbanistic. Most
attention of the model builders was devoted to plotting and mapping, leaving
the job of projection of the map over the territory (or more to the point the
job of remaking reality in the likeness of the map) to the rulers of the topos .
The purpose was to design a spatial arrangement in which there would be a
right and proper place for everyone for whom a right and proper place would
have been designed. In the sketching of anticipatory maps of Utopia, both
(inseparable, as it were) edges of the power sword were adumbrated. The
39987280.005.png
UTOPIA WITH NO TOPOS 15
construction of good order was, invariably, an exercise in inclusion and
exclusion: in unconditionality of law and unconditionality of its exemptions.
The exemption built into the master-plan of the Utopia, however, was envis-
aged on the whole as a one-off act. Once the right places had been allocated
to everyone inside, and once those for whom no place was reserved had died
out, left of their own accord or been forced out of the city – no further
exercise of the power of exemption would be needed. The sword of power
would be kept permanently in its sheath, preserved for the illumination of
the new happy generations as mostly a museum piece, relic of bygone ‘pre-
good-society’ times.
This hope has been, one may guess, the main reason for which the term
‘utopian’ acquired in the course of modern history the semantic flavour of a
fanciful, perhaps inane pipe-dream and found itself in modern thesauruses
in the company of such terms as ‘figmental’, ‘chimerical’, ‘impractical’ or
‘dreamy-eyed’.
THE TRANSFIXING IMAGINATION
And so we come to the second of the two ubiquitous attributes of utopian
thought: finality.
As if taking a hint from the schoolman Anselm’s admittedly faulty proof
of God’s existence (some beings are better than others, so there must be a
being better than all other beings – the perfect being that cannot be bettered:
God), the draftsmen of utopia took it for granted that the long series of
improvements on social reality was bound to reach at some point its natural
conclusion: not just a better society, but the best society conceivable, the
perfect society, society in which any further change could be only a change
to the worse. Passage from any ‘really existing reality’ to the perfect society
will constitute a gigantic leap and a truly formidable change, but no more
leaps will need to be made after that and no change, with its usual vexing
accompaniment of risk, apprehension and discomfort no less painful and
harrowing for being ‘transitional’, will be called for or desired. Utopia was
the topos that rewarded the hardship of the travellers: the end of the pilgrim-
age that would (albeit retrospectively) make the past trials and tribulations
worth the pains they once brought and the exertions needed to fight them
back and overcome.
At the time when the blueprints of utopias were penned down, the world
seemed to have entered a state of permanent revolution. The most harrowing
adversities and setbacks of the modern order-building were the perpetual,
seemingly no-end dislocations, resembling earthquakes following volcanic
eruptions and followed by tornadoes. The crumbling of familiar landscapes,
cutting the bonds of friendship, care and mutual support, made the customary
39987280.001.png